SECTION I - REGIONAL ETHNOGRAPHY AND HISTORY


1.1 Introduction to the Prehistory of the North Bay Area

John Pollock

Approximately eleven thousand years ago, the North Bay area was covered by a massive ice sheet, hundreds of metres thick. As the ice melted back towards the north, a huge inland sea (or glacial lake) formed, covering most of the area. This lake lasted for some two thousand years until it drained about eight thousand years ago. During the glacial lake times, the climate was very cold. There may have been ancestors of the present day Anishnabek People living on the shorelines and islands of this great lake but to date, no archaeological evidence has been found. This is no doubt partially due to the fact that no detailed examination and testing of glacial lake shorelines have been made by archaeologists. Farther south where such studies have been done, sites of this antiquity have been found.

Following the draining of the glacial lake Barlow-Ojibway, the climate changed drastically, moving from colder to a warmer state than present. This allowed the Great Lakes St. Lawrence hardwood forest to cover all of the North Bay area to a much greater extent than at present. During these changing times (about six thousand years ago) the ancestors of the Anishnabek Peoples such as the Nipissing First Nation, the Dokis First Nation and the Mattawa Algonquin peoples were Residents of the area. This has been confirmed by archaeological sites found over the last twenty years. During the Archaic era, these early peoples were big game hunters who used large spear points. They also mined deposits for flint, chert, quartzite and copper in order to make stone and metal tools. Many of these tools were traded as part of an extensive trade network developed 6,000 years ago throughout North America.

Prehistoric Aboriginal culture (like all cultures worldwide) was continually changing and evolving. In the North Bay area, the development of new technology such as the bow and arrow, fired clay pots and new stone working techniques resulted in a change in material culture and lifestyles about 2,000 years ago. In this Woodland era, the people utilized smaller stone tools and appear to have had a more diversified economy based on a broader range of plant and animal resources. Again, trade and contact between groups were well established. These Early and Middle Woodland cultures were the predecessors of the Late Woodland cultures who are the direct ancestors of present day Aboriginal Peoples. The immediate forefathers of the Nipissing and Algonquin First Nations and other Anishnabek groups had a complex and well-organized society. Archaeological evidence indicates they had invented superior ways of making fired, clay pots with their own distinctive designs, and smaller more powerful weapons. They also had a sophisticated trade network with other groups including the Huron and Neutral Iroquois Peoples in southern Ontario and the Cree peoples of northern Ontario and Quebec.

After European contact in the seventeenth century (well over three hundred years ago), the various Anishnabek Peoples first became known by their European names such as Ojibway, Cree, etc. However, the correct names are their own names in their own language. The self- designation "Anishnabek" is common to a number of tribal groupings, all of whom speak dialects of the Ojibwa language. Other members of this dialect group include the Algonquin, the Mississauga, the Ottawa, the Potawatomi and the Saulteaux.


1.2 Cultural History of the Nipissing First Nations

Michael Barnes and John Pollock

As early as two thousand years ago, Native Peoples used the La Vase/Mattawa River system as the preferred water route for travelling from the Great Lakes to the Ottawa River. The mouth of the La Vase river was a major resting and camping grounds for people travelling this waterway. An established trade route was in place long before the French traders arrived and was noted by some of the early accounts of the French explorers and missionaries.

The Nipissings were known as "Nepissirians" which the French explorers and missionaries translated to "People of the little water". As a teenager working for Samuel de Champlain in 1610, Etienne Brulé was the first white explorer to meet the Nipissing people. On a later expedition, Champlain (accompanied by Brulé and Father le Caron) described the Nipissings as a hospitable group. He also noted that they were a people who practised limited agriculture. The leaders of the Nipissings feasted with the visitors many times and went to great lengths to fish and hunt for the feasts. Brother Sagard-Theodat called them an "excellent people" who spoke Huron as well as their own language (a dialect of Algonkian) (Day 1978:789).

Champlain noted that there were about seven to eight hundred Nipissings who all camped on the edge of Lake Nipissing. Champlain does not state the route taken from Mattawa to North Bay but does mention several portages which could have been along the La Vase River (Biggar 1936).

According to the Jesuits, the Nipissing Indians were "Sorcerers of the Algonquin stock" and were prosperous traders. In the autumn, the Nipissings visited the Hurons of Georgian Bay, exchanging dried fish and furs from Lake Nipissing for a winter supply of maize (JR 27:47).

In 1647, a massive Iroquois war party decimated the Huron and Neutral Iroquois villages of southern Ontario. The Nipissings and the Montagnais joined forces with the Algonquins in a defensive alliance but to no avail (Day 1978:789). By 1649, the Iroquois had defeated all opposing forces, including the Nipissings, who participated in one last battle before leaving Lake Nipissing in 1653, fleeing to Lake Nipigon and other areas (JR 38:177). They returned to Lake Nipissing in 1667 following the French-Iroquois peace. The Nipissings always remained steadfast allies to the French in battles against the English and Iroquois.

Athough there was resistance to the French brandy trade, bands of Nipissings seem to have been noted in various areas fighting alongside the French: Schenectady, Salmon Falls, Falmouth, Michilimackinac, Fort Orange etc.

Most notable, however, was the Nipissings' residence at the Lake of Two Mountains from the early- to mid-eighteenth century. Initially, the Sulpicians gathered Nipissings converts at Baie d'Urfe and Ile aux Tourtes where Gov. Philippe Vaudreuil built a fort and missionary's house for them in 1707. Then, in 1721, a new Sulpician mission was founded at Oka on Lake of Two Mountains (Day 1978:790).

In 1770, after the fall of New France, the Nipissings were among sixteen hundred Native People who attended the great council held by Sir William Johnson, English superintendent of Indian Affairs. They then became allies of the British and fought in the War of 1812. Large numbers of Nipissings at Lake of Two Mountains were decimated by small pox and cholera outbreaks (Day 1978:789).


1.3 Historic Aboriginal Economy of Northeastern Ontario

John Pollock

The "traditional" economy of the First Nations within the study area is actually that of the fur trade period. In northeastern Ontario and northwestern Quebec, this period lasted until well into this century. Using fur trade records as a guide, it is possible to make several generalizations about the Indian subsistence round.

Trappers and their families came to the trading posts in the fall, before the ice began to form on the lakes and rivers, in order to acquire their necessary winter supplies. By early November, all of them had departed for their particular hunting grounds. Furs trapped during the fall season were generally brought to the post in late December, when it was the manager's custom to treat his clients to a feast and dance. Once the Aboriginal families had returned to their bush camps, they would usually wait until open water before bringing in the furs from their spring hunt. In 1900, an Ontario government surveying expedition reported that most of the furs trapped in the area north of North Bay were marten, mink, fox, bear and muskrat. Beaver, otter, fisher and wolf were said to be extremely scarce. In fact, traders had commented throughout the 1800's on the scarcity of beaver. For most of the nineteenth century, the Hudson's Bay Company tried to avoid paying cash for furs, as it was more lucrative to tie the Native People to a barter system; it was the presence of independent traders - many of who arrived with the railroads in the 1880's - which produced a cash economy in northern Ontario.

Though the Anishnabek purchased some edible supplies from the traders - mainly flour, tea and sugar - most of their nutrition come from "country food" such as fish, rabbits, grouse and big game. In the summer, the women and children collected enormous quantities of wild berries (blueberries, cranberries, etc.), while in those areas where maples grew, entire families took part in collecting maple syrup. People fished year round - with nets in open water, or with a line through the ice. They also speared fish during spawning periods in the spring and fall - very often from canoes or ledges at night with birch bark torches. Large quantities of fish were bartered to the fur companies, who stored them for the winter either smoked, or salted in barrels.

The months from January to early March were the worst from a subsistence points of view; it was during such periods that the traders would frequently report Indian complaints of "starvation". Big game and fish were often difficult to find, and if rabbits were in decline - a cyclical occurrence of 7 to 10 years - the main source of food was also in decline - the Indians went without food for days at a time. The problem was particularly acute from about 1770 to 1860 when, for reasons that are still unclear, moose vanished almost entirely from northern Ontario and Quebec. Fortunately for people Residents of the Lake Nipissing and Temagami areas, woodland caribou and white-tailed deer were still abundant and there were even a few moose to be found. In March of 1839, for example, one Temagami family alone was reported to have killed 25 "chevreuil" (white-tailed deer), 4 moose and a couple of caribou.

Though it did not contribute the major part of their diet, big game had considerable cultural importance to Native People. Most fur traders complained bitterly about big game hunting because people would then leave off trapping altogether. "Miller returned late last night", wrote the trader at Mattagami Post in mid-March of 1890, "(he) brings poor accounts of the Indians down the river who are frittering away their time feasting like dogs on venison and hunting no furs".

The best time of year for hunting big game was late winter, when crust on the snow made travel easy for the hunter and difficult for his prey. Moose in particular would get trapped in the icy crust. The Ojibwa and Cree generally knew the location of moose and deer yards and would wait until a windy day before closing in for the kill. Although the fur trade records mention the occasional summer kill, there are very few references to fall hunting; almost all meat brought to posts in the later nineteenth century had been procured between the months of February and April ( this report section was edited from research papers prepared by James Morrison for Settlement Surveys Ltd.).


1.4 History and Prehistory of the North Bank Site (CbGu-1) and the La Ronde Post Site (Bothwell Island) (CbGu-5)

Michael Barnes and John Pollock

The following discussions are based on historical records and are sometimes inconclusive.

The North Bank Site (CbGu-1)

During Champlain's first trip in 1610, he noted the geography of the Lake Nipissing area. Particular interest was paid to the north side of the lake in which he describes as "very pleasant; there are fair meadows for pasturing cattle and many little streams discharging into the lake" (Otis 1967:114).

The North Bank site would have been a main camp for travellers coming to and from the Ottawa River via the Mattawa River and Trout Lake. From Lake Nipissing, travellers also traded with the Cree from the James Bay region, travelling up the Sturgeon River to Lake Temagami.

The La Ronde Post Site (CbGu-5)

Site CbGu-5 on Bothwell Island is the suspected "Fort La Ronde" which was an independent trading post towards the end of the fur trade. This post is only believed to have been used for about a decade in the early 1800's before moving, circa 1820-1825, to Garden Island at the mouth of the Sturgeon River.

The La Vase Island Site (0.3ha) is located in the mouth of the La Vase River. It is approximately 60 meters off the shore of the north bank (ASI 1996:105). The site was registered by John Pollock in 1992 (ASI 1996:105).

Due to its location and relative inactivity in the past hundred years, Archaeological Services Incorporated (ASI) stated in their 1996 report that "the island site may represent all that survives in this once intensely occupied site" (ASI 1996:105).

In the mid-eighteenth century, the fur trade was booming and it is believed that this route through the La Vase River was the main travel route-- "the Highway 401 of the fur trade"--for about one hundred and fifty years from circa 1672 to 1821. In 1821, the North West Company merged with the Hudson's Bay Company and the route gradually fell into disuse due to the fact that the Hudson's Bay Co utilized their long-standing northern supply routes.


1.4 PREVIOUS EXCAVATIONS AT CbGu-1 AND CbGu-5.

John Pollock

The first archaeological work undertaken at the La Vase River was in 1961 when J.V. Wright of the National Museum of Canada (now National Museum of Civilization) discovered (and later registered) the North Bank site during a brief visit on his way to Lake Superior. In the fall of 1972, Peter Englebert, Jim Burns and Allen Tyyska surveyed archaeological resources between North Bay and Samuel de Champlain Park. They speculated on archaeological features which "would be scientifically rewarding upon further investigation" (Burns and Tyyska 1973:4). Wright also continued his exploration of the area with archaeological testing of the La Vase south bank in 1980 but found nothing of cultural importance.

The 1995 Archaeological Excavations

In 1995, Archaeological Services Incorporated (ASI) undertook the La Vase Archaeological Project. Listed as their project objectives were the following: 1) Completion of an archaeological survey along the route of the La Vase Portage.
2) The establishment of a short-term public programme of archaeological excavations at the site of the LaRonde Post at the mouth of the LaVase River.
3) Preparation of a promotional video and CD-ROM.

The following conclusions were made from their investigations:

La Vase/ North Bank Site (CbGu-1)

ASI concluded from its excavations that the site palaeosols exhibited varying degrees of disturbance, from severely disturbed to relatively undisturbed. Recovered artifact assemblages dated back to the Late Woodland period. Significant artifacts included a fragmentary projectile point, a prehistoric smoking pipe, as well as European ceramic ware, a medicine bottle, and kaolin pipe stems. Cooper and Robertson, principle archaeologists for ASI, concluded that the site was a prehistoric camp occupied during the Late Woodland period, circa 1200 AD and later.

One note of interest is a statement that a nineteenth-century ceramic sherd with a brown stamped motif found at the north bank matched a sherd at the island site; thus concluding that the two sites were once connected (Cooper and Robertson, ASI 1996:107-108).

La Vase/Bothwell Island Site (CbGu-5)

Once again, ASI made the point that the island originally formed part of the La Vase River bank. Artificial high-water levels, due to the Chaudière Dam, have resulted in separation of the site from the main land. Cooper and Robertson concluded that the La Vase Island Site represented a rich multi-component zone with evidence of continuous occupation from the Middle Woodland period (ca. 500 BC) to the present. Evidence of early occupation came from prehistoric pottery (Late Woodland ceramics) of the Ontario Iroquoian ceramic tradition. The lithic industry was described as an indigenous industry typical of Northern peoples which traded raw stone materials from the north and south. A significant assemblage of historic Aboriginal artifacts were recovered, such as glass beads, trade silver, and a glass ( quartz crystal?) scraper. Alluding to the La Ronde post, Cooper and Robertson stated that the large quantity of unfired clay was interpreted as structural evidence and that upon further investigation should provide additional evidence such as footings or a foundation (Cooper and Robertson, ASI 1996:156).

The 1996 Laurentian University Field School

For six weeks during the summer of 1996, 15 students from Laurentian University attended an archaeological field school. Archaeological excavation techniques were taught to students under the supervision of Dr. Patrick Julig, Dr. Scott Fairgrieve, and Professor Ken Buchanan of Laurentian University, and Ryan Defonzo of the City of North Bay.

Investigations included excavations at CbGu-1, CbGu-5, and CbGu-4. Artifacts recovered from the North Bank Site include trade beads, historic pipes, and aboriginal ceramics. The most significant find from the La Vase Island Site (CbGu-5) was that of unit 312/398 where a squared timber was recovered. The timber was horizontal in a north-south direction. A small sample was taken back to the lab for analysis, while the remainder was covered with plastic and sod. Also, several faunal remains were recovered with evidence of cut-marks and evidence of a historic bone tool fashioned as a kettle or cup holder (Barnes 1996:67)

The Corporation of the City of North Bay (1996)

Following the Laurentian University Field School in the summer/fall of 1996, Ryan Defonzo from the Corporation of the City of North Bay undertook excavations on the northern boundary of Site CbGu-1. Investigations included excavating test units to delineate more precisely the northern boundaries of the North Bank site.


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